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Two
of the books reviewed this month explore the justifications
for war, ancient and ultra-modern; the third looks at
violence from the complex position of a pragmatic, Christian
leader of an African nation.
Editor:
Anuradha Vittachi |
Fighting
war not wars
The
War Machine
by James Avery Joyce

Quartet
(Hbk) UK: £6.95 US: $14.00

Just
and Unjust Wars
by Michael Walzer

Penguin
(Pbk) UK: £2.95 Aus: $8.95

In
reviewing books there are not many chances to give a resounding
three cheers. This is just such an opportunity. We badly
need more academics like Dr. Joyce who not only know the
facts and figures
of the arms race but who are also personally committed
to bring the struggle to an end.
The
War Machine is an admirable book. Information about the present
arms race is well set out and the risks which
it
involves are
made very obvious. On the first page stands that sobering
1979 quotation
from Earl Mountbatten: `The world now stands on the brink
of the final abyss. Let us resolve to take all possible
practical steps
to ensure that we do not, through our own folly, go over
the
edge.'
The
illusory pursuit of nuclear balance in a world of overkill, the
fragility of any economic system of defence
employment
and the corruption of arms sales are described and
exposed. So they
should be. In a world of Super Power strength it is
irrational to urge, as militarists do so regularly, that yet
more
weapons would make us stronger. That is the language
of 1914. Today,
with 60,000 nuclear weapons deployed, there are simply
not enough targets
to go round.
There
is also an excellent section on the Soviet perception of threat
which we too often ignore. Few in the West
have any idea
of the significance, in the mind of Soviet leaders,
of the new cordial relationship between NATO and
China. The USSR
has constantly
to plan for a
future major war to be fought on two fronts.
Education
for peace, the Brandt report and the recent vision of a Europe
free from nuclear weapons are
all discussed.
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| In
the year 1980 the World spent a million dollars
a minute on armaments. Drawing: Hans
Georg Rauch |
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Reviewers
are expected to make at least a couple of mildly negative remarks,
so, in that spirit
only, I
would ask
for a little more
about alternative non-nuclear defence systems
and of social justice, national and international,
as the
basis for any
true peace.
But qualifications are not really necessary.
This is an excellent textbook
for all who are concerned about the arms race
and determined to do whatever they can to bring it
to an end. Just
and Unjust Wars by Michael Walzer is an erudite and compelling
piece of work which once
taken up
will not easily
be put down.
It cost me most of a night's sleep.
Nevertheless
I am not sure that it achieves quite what the author set out
to describe.
He wanted
to show that
humanity
has a
`more or less systematic moral doctrine (on
war) which sometimes but not always overlaps
with
established legal
doctrine'. It seems to me that what he actually
described is a steady downhill
moral slide to the present point when,in
the view of the author nuclear deterrence
`for
all its criminality'
may
fall under
the `standard of necessity'.
The
high level search for a continuous pattern in war morality is
not really successful.
But what we
do have
here is a
rich variety of examples of all sorts.
From General Sherman to
the Six Day War,
from the Athenian Generals facing Melos
to the Germans facing Leningrad, from terror
bombing to the My Lai
massacre, these
pages are full
of examples of real situations in which
moral issues had to be faced.
The
account of Winston Churchill's commitment to city bombing and
of the
subsequent repudiation of `Bomber' Harris,
who actually did the job, is especially
interesting.
The
weakest section of the book is in its last few pages on non-violent
alternatives.
Here
the author
is not at
home but
nevertheless
he has a good point. Consciences do
exist and at least one part of an alternative
defence strategy must involve
awakening
them. Bruce Kent (General Secretary
of the CND and previously chairman of War
on Want).

Chains
are worse than bayonets
Kaunda
on Violence
by Kenneth Kaunda
edited by Colin M. Morris

UK:
Collins (hardback) £5.95

Unlike
A Humanist in Africa, in which President Kenneth Kaunda started
to develop a philosophy of humanism which makes Zambians themselves
the touchstone of political and economic action, Kaunda on Violence
is directed not to fellow citizens but to his critics abroad
- conservative as well as pacifist.
Notable
for his espousal of non-violent resistance during the struggle
for independence in Zambia itself, Kaunda writes: `Strategies
of peace are infinitely preferable to those of war if they work,'
but `the demands of political realism have led me to modify my
pacifist convictions.' He says: `I ended up supporting armed
struggle in Zimbabwe because I could no longer believe that anything
is preferable to the use of force.' War redefines power relationships:
where, he asks, would the balance of power have been struck in
Vietnam if the Buddhist peace movement had succeeded? He points
out that the opposition to the World Council of Churches' contributions
to the freedom movements in Southern Africa came mainly from
non-pacifist Christians.
Throughout
the book his arguments are directed to his fellow Christians.
There are many contradictions - some inherent in the tension
he feels between personal and political morality. He admits finally,
`I do not feel I have got much nearer ... reconciling involvement
in the use of force with my belief in the central importance
of the cross'. But in a `Postscript about Forgiveness' he emphasises
the importance of reconciliation after war, quoting Mugabe's
magnanimous speech broadcast on Zimbabwe's Independence Day.
But
there are other contradictions and tensions that may not be so
obvious. He writes: `One must salute courageous conscientious
objectors who refuse to endorse their country's policies and
actions in time of war.' But Zambia does not allow for conscientious
objectors, and opponents of Kaunda's support for Jonas Savimbi's
UNITA in Angola were jailed and interrogated for hours on end.
There
is very little about Zambia in this book, yet Kaunda's first
use of force was in the fierce suppression of the Lumpa Church
on the eve of Independence. His very preoccupation with the Southern
Africa issue has - quite apart from the direct effect of sanctions
and war - prevented worthwhile internal policies being developed
in Zambia during the last ten years. Whilst Kaunda helped the
Patriotic Front fight colonialism in Zimbabwe neo-colonialism
has found yet deeper roots in Zambia.
Ann
Tweedie-Waggott |