AD
700—1550 — Hindu
period. Srivijaya empire centred on Sumatra followed by Majapahit empire
centred on Java.
1100— Islam introduced
by traders
1500s — Portuguese arrive
in aearch of spices, bringing Christianity.
1600s - Dutch begin
East lndiea trading expanaion. Chineae, Japaneae, Siamese and Indian
vessels alao trading.
1799 — Colonial
exploitation intenaifiea aa Dutch government takea over from United
Eaat Indian Company. Dutch usurp authority of
local elite.
1810— Britain
defeats Franco- Dutch force and rules Java from Batavia 1816 — butch
return.
1825—30 — Java
War. Javanese, led by Prince Diponegoro. are forced into
submission. Dutch reintroduce forced labour and intensify exploitation.
1830 — ‘Culture
System’, under which indigenoua
people, particularly on Java are forced to produce caah crops, ia
introduced.
1870 — Dutch expand control throughout archipelago by treaty and conquest
1901 — Ethical policy, a combination of state and free enterprise
welfare instituted by momentarily conscience-stricken Dutch. Policy
fails 1912— Sarekat Islam (SI —first mass Islamic nationalist
organisation) emerges from Islamic Trading Association origina
1919 — SI claims 2.5 million membership and changes policy from
loyalty to colonial rule to opposition to govern’ ment and ‘sinful
capitalism.
1922 —Nationalist
movement begins to frighten Dutch.
1926—34 — Non-co-operation led by. Sukarno, Mohammad Hatta and Sjahrir. later to become first
president vice president and prime
minister respectively of an independent Indonesia.
1942 — Japan
invades, Dutch routed
1944—Independence promised
by Japan.
1945 — Japan defeated; nationalists declare independence as Dutch return.
1949 — Indonesian state
a reality as Dutch transfer sovereignty after four years of war.
1955 — General election. Indonesia’s
first and last free election. Inconclusive.
1959 — Guided Democracy introduced by Sukarno. 1 945 constitution,
based on Panca Sila (five principles) —nationalism, internationalism
(or humanitarianism), democracy (or consent), social prosperity, and
belief in God — is reintroduced.
1962 — NASAKOM (cooperation among nationalists, religious groups
and communists) urged by Sukarno. Claim on West Irien (West New Guinea)
intensified and Dutch hand over control of colony to United Nations
1963 — West nan is handed over to Indonesia.
1964— Land
action. Peasants move on large local and foreign landholdings after
introduction of agrarian laws limiting landholding
size.
1965 — Army
suppresses peasant action and consolidates its economic alliance
with landlords.
September
30. 1965 — Mutiny by junior officers-against
senior military commanders is put down under direction of Major-General
Suharto.
Sukarno goes into rapid eclipse.
1965—67 — Anti-populist campaign in full flood. Military moves against organisations associated
with mass mobilisation politics
At least half-a-million killed
1969 — West Irian Act of Free Choice, a stagemanaged farce, confirms
Jakarta’s possession.
1970 — ‘De-politicisation’ of
rural population by making village-level party politics illegal.
Government political party
(Golkar) is formed.
1971 — General Election. All remaining mass’mobilisation
political parties forbidden to participate in election.
1972 — Political
parties merged. Ten remaining parties forced to regroup as two. thus
robbing them of their identities
1973 — Protest emerges.
Widepsread student youth and human rights protestors criticise the
government’s foreign’interest orientated strategy and the
activities of intelligence and security organ isations.
1974— Rioting
in January during Japanese prime minister's visit Targets are foreign
economic dominance and military abuse.
1975 — East Timor in turmoil as Portugal abdicates responsibility.
Civil war followed by declaration by Timorese nationalists of ‘Democratic
Republic of East Timor' in November and by Indonesian invasion in December.
Political trials of students and academics accused of ‘plotting
against the government’.
1977 — General
election. Opposition parties intimidated. Voting irregularities.
1978 — Suharto's
re-election as president sparks strong protests Scores arrested.
Publications closed. Last of political prisoners held
without trial since 1965 on Buru Island and in other prisons released.
1980—82 — Strikes and
industrial protest become common. Workers prevented from forming
own unions.
Fifty prominent Indonesians
reprimand Suharto in a letter for trying to identify himself with the
Panca Si/a.
Pramoedya Ananta Toers
books are eagerly sought by public.
1981 — Pramoedyas books are banned. Human rights repon. ‘Dark
Clouds over Indonesia’. by Jakarta legal aid group, is published.
industrial militancy intensifies
1982 — Pre-election
rioting at government party rally. Group of 50 signs petition accusing
government of doctoring election results.
Compliments of
the bar
All of the Indonesians
described here could use a
lawyer. None could afford to pay one. But times are
changing and, in spite of persistent official harassment, a new breed of lawyers
is
emerging in the form of a
nationwide legal aid service.
IN
Indonesia it is a courageous, generous lawyer who defends the
rights of poor Indonesians who run foul of the law.
Adnan
Buyung Nasution became the first of this new breed in 1971
when, with the blessing of Au Sadikin, then Jakarta’s
governor, he founded the Legal Aid Institute (Lembaga Bantuan
Hukum LBH).
In
the decade since, LBH has become an organisation with 15 nationwide
affiliates and other groups have formed with
the same mission
to help the underprivileged within the framework of Indonesian
law.
LBH
really took off in 1973 when a new generation of political
activists came on the scene. Among them was a brilliant young
legal worker named T. Mulya Lubis. Pioneeringthe idea of’structural
legal aid’, Mulya Lubis argued that it wasn’t
enough for legal aid workers simply to help their clients
in the courtrooms~
as well, he said, they should get out into the community
and teach people about their rights and how to protect
them. He has
continued to argue for reform of a legal system which institutionalises
imbalances of power between rich and poor, governors and
governed.
So
far, the legal aid bodies are only scratching the surface
of the problem. There are so many areas where action
is needed workers conditions, peasants’ land rights,
the lot of ex-political prisoners. Muslim leaders under government
pressure, students
and intellectuals in trouble for daring to criticise
the government.
The
emergence of legal aid has been accompanied by a
rising tide of’ protest in the industrial sector. Indonesian workers
have the right to join a union but the only legal union in Indonesia
is ~he government-organised and controlled All - Indonesia Labour
Federation ( Federasi Buruh Seluruh Indonesia FBSI). Even the
FBSI’s director, Agus Sudono. has admitted
that, in terms of providing protection and leadership
for
its members, the organisarion
is tooth less.
It
is not surprising Indonesian workers fear for their interests
when Agus Sudono can say things like: industrial
action is
a luxury developing countries cant afford. h’s
sad but true that in the Third World industrial
action is a weapon with which
workers end up cutting their own throats.
Indonesian
law imposes a penalty of up to one year’s
imprisonment for anyone implementing or taking
part in strikes or lockouts.
Under
Mulya Lubis’s direction, as head of the LBH’s
human rights division, three handbooks have been produced
for the use of wc~rkers, peasants and fishermen. He
also has
started to produce annual human rights reports and
instituted a range of educational activities among
workers and villagers. especially in and around Jakarta.
LBH
has defended many of Indonesi&s most prominent dissenters
W.S. Rendra. moral- religious critic Sawito. author Pramoedya.
publisher Joesoef Isak. . But most of its work is among the
poor. Its several lawyers at any one time have more than 100
cases
on their hands.
LBH
often Finds itself threatened by police authorities. Buyung
Nasution has spent two years in detention. Mulya Lubis~s
position at press time was reported as ‘delicat&. The government
is now accusing LBH of becoming politicised’. That is a
clear sign that the New Order’s patience with LBH is
running out.
Mulya
Lubis, asked by Jakartas Tempo magazine about his organisation’s
politics’, replied: What do you mean by politics? LBJ-J
is not allergic to politics if what you mean by politics is the
defence of people when their basic rights are suppressed. But
if you mean becoming a contestant in the election, no, LBH is
not involved in thaL.. In a country whose legal and political
culture isn’t yet fully formed, it is just too easy
to use the accusation of being political to suppress your
opponents
and maintain your power.
Maryam’s job was to watch four machines knitting synthetic
cloth. She became very good at sleeping standing up’. Her
pay was less than 25 cents a day plus a monthly bonus of$8 a
total of about $15 a month. One day she broke a needle on a machine.
Her wages were docked $3.20 a month ror three months. One night
her bus did not come to take her to work. She lost $1.60 of her
monthly bonus. She had an argument with a security guard. She
turned to her manager for help. He sacked her with one day’s
notice.

Pak Effendi
People bought the land next to Pak EtTendi’s
house and built an ice factory. The noise
keeps his family awake at night. He was given a little compensation
money for the inconvenience. Important people in his village
told him be should sell his small block of
wet rice land to city buyers: be should not stand in the
way of ‘development and progress~, they said. Recently
the general who had bought it sold it at a much higher price
because
he owed money to a bank. The land is still idle. Pak EfTendi
is too old to compete in the labour market.
 Siti
Siti, a servant to a rich family in her village, receives board
and keep while she has her job. When she leaves she expects
to be paid
$4 in cash for every month she has worked. She was not paid
in full when she left her last job. Two of Siti’s sisters
have married and gone to live in Sumatra under the government’s
relocation scheme. They moved because they were guaranteed they
would be given land. Siti would like to follow them but she has
a disfigured foot and may find it hard to marry.

Achmad
Achmad, when he was a boy, looked after a buffalo until his
father lost his job with the buffalo’s owner. Achmad,
only seven, had to help his family. He got ajob, 6am
to 5pm, in a tile factory,
for 25 cents a day and a howl of rice. He wanted a better
job but had no contacts in other factories; no friends
to put in
a word for him; or the $8 necessary to pay a labour agent
to get him a job. Then his old landlord got him a rubber
ractory
job at 56 cents a day. If his landlord gets a vehicle, he
might become a driver. Ar 14, Aebmad has dreams. 
Heru
Heru, 23, head of a shift in a textile mill, makes
$31.20 a month, handsome compared to the
wages of his charges. Many of
his friends have been dismissed, some jailed, for asking
for more. ‘Managers are good friends with the
police,’ says
Heru. His job teaches him nothing that will help him improve
his position. There is no promotion to look forward to. To
get a better job be would have to pay the labour agent. He
worries
about not earning enough to get married. In Indonesia a man
is not a man until he has children. Heru believes he has
no future. |
Worth reading
on... INDONESIA
Showcase
State. Edited by the late Professor Rex Mortirner.
Angus and Robertson, Australia, 1978. Surveys of development
implementation in Indonesia plus essays on modernisation ideo]ogy.
the army and the state of the art’ of analysis of Indonesian
economics.
Indonesian Tragedy. By Brian May. Routledge
and Keegan Paul, London, 1978. Mays deep experience of
Indonesia
shows in this assessment of where Indonesia is
at today. Provides good insight of dynamism inspired by Sukarno
and, realistically evaluates the 'achievements' of
the New Order. Perhaps unnecessarily pessimistic as a result
of over-emphasis on cultural influences.
Suharto’s Indonesia. By Hamish McDonald,
Fontana, 1980. Comprehensive account of major political
events since 1965.
Viewpoint on Indonesia. By GJ.
Missen. Thomas Nelson. Australia, 1972. Justifiably acclaimed
as ‘A critical review of the resource base, the colonial
inheritance, the economic activities, people and the future
of Indonesia’.
The New Rice In Indonesia. By Ingrid
Palmer, UNRISD, Geneva, 1977. Study of
the base of Indonesian agriculture. Also The Indonesian
Economy by
Palmer, 1977.
Indonesian Political Thinking, 1945—65
Edited by Herbert Feith and Lance
CasHes, Cornell Unitersiii Press, 1970.
Excerpts from writings by Indonesians.
Breaking the Chains of Oppression of the Indonesian
People.
By Hen Akhnadi Cornell University Press, 1981. The defence
plea of student leader Hen Akhmadi which articulates the
views of many young Indonesians of the current economic,
social, cultural and political situation in their country.
Tapol.
Bulletin of the British Campaign for the Defence of Political
Prisoners
and Human Rights in Indonesia. 8a Trepori Sueez,
London SWl8. Valuable journal of Indonesia’s human rights
record.
Indonesia: an Alternative History. By
the late Malcolm Caldwell and Ernst Utrecht Alternative Publishing
Co-operative, Sydney; 1979. Neo-Marxist 'Indonesia-centric'
rejection of conventional view of Indonesia ancient and modern.
|