ALTHOUGH it’s unlikely the US Family Protection Act(FPA) will
ever see the light of day, that doesn’t mean Americans should
sit back and forget about it It may sound like an innocuous piece of
legislation. In fact the Family Protection Act provides us with the
agenda of a growing right-wing movement in the US. This ‘pro-family’ lobby
believes social stability and free enterprise are based firmly on a
strong nuclear family which it claims is being threatened by misguided
liberals and other ‘deviants’.
The FPA
was originally launched by Republican Senator Paul Laxalt in September
1979. Laxalt who one year later would be Ronald Reagan’s
campaign manager, already had the support of a growing pro-family
movement busily stirring up publicity and churning out letters of
support for
the bill. But, apart from the converted, few people took much notice.
However the 1980
elections, which parachuted Mr Reagan into the Whitehouse and put
a new Republican majority in the Senate. suddenly forced people to
examine
the growing clout of this new political force.
In the
guise of defending traditional values the’ New Right’ has
organized a vast network of conservative organisations with the aid
of modern computer technology. They have also managed to release the
fears and frustrations of millions of ‘plain folks’ and
turn them against convenient targets supposedly in defense of ‘God,
Family and Country’. Lesbians and gays, feminists, Blacks,
Jews, labour unions and radicals: all are targeted as the cause
of so-called
social chaos and moral laxity.
The New
Right is distinguished from the old by its emphasis on social over
economic issues, many of which have been lumped together
under
the pro-family banner.
The FPA
makes it clear that the New
Right wants to protect parents’ power over children and husbands’ power
over wives. They claim to oppose government intervention. In
fact they are against Washington intervening to protect the rights
of women and
children. For example, the FPA would lessen federal regulation
of state child-abuse programs and forbid the Legal Services Administration
from
providing legal assistance in divorce cases.
Family
protection also means undermining the autonomy of publicly funded
schools. The bill would strengthen the ability of community
groups
to censor books and curricula they deem offensive. It also
includes a provision forcing textbooks and educational materials
to depict
men and women in clearly-defined sex roles. Antiabortion
and anti- homosexual measures spice up the package.
But rather
than attempting to pass the whole FPA package, pro-family advocates
are breaking it down into individual
bills, hoping
to divide and conquer. Right-wing strategists see the potential
of
single-issue
groups to create a mass base for their views. This has
given birth to many new conservative single-issue organizations
like the National
Right to Life Committee, an antiabortion group. And it
has also boosted the memberships of older organizations like
the National
Right to
Work Committee, an anti-union group.
New Right
leader Richard A Viguerie says the movement sparked to life in 1974
when ex-President Gerald Ford picked Nelson
Rockefeller as
his vice-president For Viguerie and his friends, this
was the last
straw. A liberal Republican, Rockefeller represented
the heart of the Eastern Establishment they loathed. Real conservatives,
they
reckoned,
needed new leaders leaders who were determined to win.
And Viguerie
had the perfect machines to back them up: computers. He slotted his
own ‘direct mail’ business a small company
with just one client (Young Americans for Freedom) into the very nerve
centre of the new social movement Traditionally used to sell magazine
subscriptions and raise funds for charity, direct mail marketing was
now used as a political weapon. Viguerie’s clients,
all conservative organizations, began by giving him
their mailing lists and hiring him
to send letters asking for contributions. Over the
years he added additional lists, cross-indexed and
referenced them. By 1980 his computers held
an estimated 4.5 million names all with a history of
giving to conservative causes.
After
tapping into already-politicized single-issue groups, New Right
leaders turned their attention to
the Christian
fundamentalist revival
taking root across the US. They developed alliances
with ‘media
ministers like Rev. Jerry Falwell, encouraging them
to promote the New Right political platform in their
sermons. Three nation-wide
political pressure groups were organized:
Christian
Voice, Religious Roundtable and Falwell’s infamous
Moral Majority. These groups contribute to the zealousness of the New
Right by giving people the self-righteousness of believing God is on
their side.
Their
God is highly partisan. One New Right leader maintained, ‘God
does not hear the prayer of a Jew’. Another spokesman suggested
capital punishment for homosexuality.
If God
is used to defend the nuclear family, so is the nation. In introducing
the bill to Congress Laxalt argued that countries without
a nuclear
family structure were weak. New Right literature makes defending
the family seem like a national defence strategy. Just as the FPA
seeks
to restore the father to his rightful place as ruler of the family
the New Right would like to restore US control over the rest of
the world. Their platform promotes nuclear families and nuclear arms.
New Right
leaders meet biweekly to coordinate policy and strategy. Decisions
are enacted by the individual groups: the Heritage Foundation
does background research; political action committees allocate
money to right-wing candidates: the media preachers spread the
word; and
Viguerie’s computers spew out letters to the single-issue
group members soliciting money and support.
Despite
this sophisticated network, the New Right has failed to bring social
issues to to forefront of the Republican agenda
Recent
filibusters
have stopped them from pushing through voluntary prayer and
antiabortion legislation for the time being.
Business’s
position on the social agenda of the New Right is ambivalent The
status quo of unequal wages for women clearly favours
the corporate sector but support for the nuclear family is
not so clear cut As the service sector and high-technology industries
come to dominate
the US and world economies the demand for women workers increases.
Business men may want these women in the office but the New
Right wants them back in the kitchen.
They
have made a lot of noise, hut does the New Right really pose a threat?
Their record does show some legislative victories.
With
the
help of the Ku Klux Klan and American Nazis the New Right
is creating a climate where hatred and even violence against
feminists,
lesbians,
gay men, Blacks. Chicanos, Vietnamese, Jews and radicals
is acceptable. This is reason enough to worry.
But the
New Right also holds other lessons. Their campaigns have touched
something deep for millions of Americans who
yearn for
something to
believe in. The Right answers this need with traditional
institutions: the Nation, the Church and the Family.
While the Left may criticize
these institutions, that is not enough. To gain widespread
support it needs convincing alternatives that provide
real meaning in
people’s
lives.