new internationalist
issue 200 - October 1989
ONE
The socialist vision
When the NI first appeared
in 1973 the poor in the Third World faced hunger and disease on a massive
scale. Only socialism seemed to offer any solution - with land reform
and free health services high on the agenda. The poor had been exploited by
colonialism and they continued to be exploited by capitalism. Socialism was
the way to put an end to all this; only state planning could organize the
massive redistribution of wealth required.
TWO
The new Third World
Newly independent Third World countries
had taken a broadly socialist line. India which had achieved independence
in 1947, launched its series of Five Year Plans in 1955. The Chinese
Revolution of 1949 was communist-led. President Julius Nyerere of Tanzania
set out in his 1967 Arusha Declaration a blueprint for African socialism.
And those countries still fighting for freedom - like Vietnam, Southern Rhodesia
and Portugal's African colonies,Mozambique and Angola - were also Marxist
inspired.
THREE
The aid lobby
Sympathizers in the West who wanted to help the
Third World - the 'aid lobby' - followed much the same line.
They might have called themselves Marxists, socialists, liberals or even conservatives.
But they tended to adopt a quasi-Marxist vocabulary to describe the problems
- 'imperialism', 'exploitation', 'class-conflict'. Something had to
be done quickly. Almost everyone argued for aid in the form of cash or food.
But change of a more permanent kind was also required. Hence the idea, popularized
in the late 1950s, of 'development' - a vague notion that indicated some kind
of positive change or progress that could be made almost regardless of a country's
political system.
FOUR
Trade wars
Third World leaders used the United Nations to argue
for development funds and protest about the injustices of international trade.
They were supported by Marxist economists, whose 'dependency' theories argued
that Third World economies had been reduced to mere 'peripheries' of Western
capitalism. Poor countries were suppliers of raw materials like coffee or
cocoa (for which they were badly paid) and had to buy manufactured goods (for
which they were charged a lot). This implied two solutions. First that Third
World countries might achieve greater independence by trading amongst themselves
- one group of South American countries set up the 'Andean Pact'. Second
that as sellers of raw materials to the West they should get together to charge
higher prices. OPEC with its oil-price hikes had started to show the way.
'Trade not aid' was the new slogan.
FIVE
Idea power and ecology
Most of the inspiring ideas of the 1970s
derived from Marxism. It fused with Christianity to form 'liberation theology'
as radical priests in the shanty towns of Latin America realized that religion
and politics were inextricably linked. Meanwhile Brazilian educator Paulo
Freire was showing how the process of learning should be one of political
empowerment. But there were other new ideas - on the environment, for
example. There was widespread concern about the exhaustion of the earth's
resources - the NI devoted a theme issue to this in 1976 (Trash
and Grab - the looting of a small planet). And Schumacher's
Small is Beautiful argued that sophisticated Western equipment was
destructive in poor countries. They needed an 'intermediate' technology
SIX
New economic order
The first half of the 1970s was a ferment
of fresh development ideas - the equivalent of the late 1960s in the West.
Indeed it was easier to be a radical about the Third World where injustice
and repression seem much more clear-cut. Many of these new ideas were aired
at a series of UN conferences throughout the 1970s - on Food, Environment,
Population. The boldest result was a call in 1974 for a New International
Economic Order that would set the world aright - producing healthy flows of
aid and more equitable trade.
SEVEN
Disillusion sets in
But there was to be no completely new order.
Many of the ideas (like those on the environment) did become part of conventional
development wisdom. But many others, particularly on trade, died. Mutual trade
pacts collapsed because the political and economic interests of different
countries collided. And the elite in the Third World were quite happy for
the West to exploit their countries so long as their own wallets expanded.
Aid was increasingly discredited. It was either diverted by corruption or
financed projects like dam-building which destroyed the livelihoods of the
poorest to benefit the rich. The aid lobby (the NI included) started
to argue that only socialist countries should be aided - since new resources
poured into an unjust society will inevitably flow towards the powerful.
EIGHT
Socialism faltering
But socialism too came into question. Eastern
Europe had always been an embarrassing precedent. Now socialism had also taken
some disturbing twists and turns in the Third World, ranging from authoritarian
isolationism in Burma to military dictatorship in Ethiopia. Cuba was still
well-regarded for its social-welfare programmes and China had had remarkable
success in meeting basic needs. But there were increasing doubts about political
freedom in both countries. And Tanzania, even under the inspired leadership
of Nyerere, had made little progress towards a truly egalitarian society.
Marxists, it seemed, could explain why people were poor.But they were less
convincing when it came to solutions. The Nicaraguan revolution of 1979 was
a symbolic turning point. It had the moral drive of socialism but accept.
The contribution of personal enterprise.
NINE
The personal is political
In the West too, new ideas began
to cut across a purely class-based socialism. Feminism showed how most political
parties had treated women as invisible. Socialism had little to say about
human relationships based on gender, race or sexual orientation. And socialist
countries had been as exploitative of the earth as capitalists. Feminists
now argued that the 'personal is political' - that our lifestyles and
our personal attitudes and relationships have ramifications for the whole
of society. From the early 1980s the NI started to write on themes like 'lifestyles'
or 'sex'.
TEN
Capitalism in trouble
State socialism had been found wanting.
But the capitalist countries of the Third World had done little better. Many
were in economic trouble by the early 1 980s. Governments kept people under
control by repressive methods - often by military dictatorship. This
'stability' attracted Western banks. But a good credit rating proved a mixed
blessing. Countries like Brazil and the Philippines which had accepted the
largesse of friendly international banks finished up deep in debt. Now they
came under the dismal influence of the International Monetary Fund, which
insisted they cut down spending on social welfare and adopt monetarist 'adjustment'
policies. The debtor nations have agreed not because IMF policies work (they
have been uniformly disastrous) but because the IMF, under US influence, holds
the purse strings.
ELEVEN
From left to right
The late 1980s now see the political tables
turned. The once-dogmatic Left has been reassessing socialism while the Right
has stuck more rigidly to its ideology. This trend is however by no means
universal. Perestroika might be the flavour of the month in Moscow but it
is still anathema in Havana. Vietnam is struggling to liberalize but democracy
has suffered defeats in China and in Burma. Mercifully, however, most of the
heaviest right-wing dictatorships have crumbled. If Pinochet bows out in Chile,
as planned, the last dictatorship in South America will be gone.
TWELVE
Alternatives for the 1990s
What does the progressive politician argue for in the 1990s? The
same basic needs have to be met - and technically there is no reason
why they could not be. The simplest health techniques work well: it is clear
that millions of children with diarrhoea can be kept alive with oral rehydration
salts. And even at times of famine the world is quite capable of feeding everyone
- a fact of which young people became increasingly aware during the
Live Aid period. The problem as always is to find forms of political organization
that will allow those needs to be met. Socialism, Marxism and capitalism -
all in various states of disarray - are being drawn into new and hopefully
fruitful combinations with the politics of lifestyle and the environment.
But from China's students through Namibia's guerillas to Chile's socialists,
people have shown that such changes have to be fought for and sometimes died
for.


