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Cameroon
has two current claims to international fame. The first is the prowess
of its national soccer team, which has won the African Nations Cup
three times and in 1990 became the first African team to reach the
quarter finals of the World Cup. The other is less laudable: Cameroon
is notorious for being rated the world's most corrupt nation by
Transparency International.
Britain
became the dominant foreign power in the country in the early nineteenth
century and English became the lingua franca throughout Cameroon.
Yet Cameroon became a German protectorate on 12 July 1884 because
the envoy of the British colonial office, Edward Hewett, arrived
a few days after the Germans had signed an annexation treaty with
some local chiefs.
After
World War One the League of Nations divided the colony into two,
with four-fifths of the territory allocated to France and a fifth
to Britain. In 1960 the French section was granted independence
and a year later, after a UN-supervised plebiscite, was reunited
with the British section to form a bilingual Federal Republic of
Cameroon. Ahidjo, the first president of Cameroon, relied on repression
to transform the country into a highly centralized one-party state
in 1966. Against the wishes of the English-speaking minority, Ahidjo
used a rigged referendum to abolish the Federation in favour of
a unitary state in 1972. After over two decades in power, he resigned
in 1982 and handed over the presidency to the then prime minister,
Paul Biya.
An
urbane Christian, educated at university in France, Biya embarked
on a political reform programme aimed at creating a more liberal
and open society. But the reforms were abandoned after a failed
coup d'état by rebel elements from the north in the élite
presidential guard. Biya purged most northerners from the military
and government, appointing hardliners and people from his own tribe
to key positions.
Popular
dissatisfaction with the political system intensified in the early
1990s, as Cameroon's economy plunged into the worst recession since
independence. In response to domestic protest and international
pressure, Biya initiated political reforms, including liberalization
of the media and the adoption of a multi-party electoral system.
Yet
Cameroon's human-rights record remains poor. Opposition politicians,
human-rights activists and journalists are harassed or even jailed.
There are no checks and balances in the political system, because
Parliament, dominated by Biya's ruling Cameroon's People's Democratic
Movement (RDPC), acts as a rubber stamp. Biya has the power to control
legislation or rule by decree. The judiciary is subject to political
influence and suffers from corruption and inefficiency. A recent
UN report concluded that torture is widespread in Cameroon's prisons
and police cells. The security forces are notorious for extra-judicial
killings and summary executions in their crackdown against coupeurs
de route (armed bandits) in the far north.
Cameroon
is slowly recovering from an economic recession which virtually
halved its per-capita income. The country's economic strength is
based on a wide range of agricultural exports and virtual food self-sufficiency,
boosted by offshore oil production - the $3.5 billion Chad-Cameroon
oil pipeline project was recently approved by the World Bank.
Although
Cameroon joined the Commonwealth in 1995, tensions between the francophone
majority and the anglophone minority remain high. The two populations
have different legal and educational institutions, and while the
English-speaking region in the west has the richest resources it
is also the least developed. English speakers are bitter and are
calling for autonomy or outright secession. Not surprisingly, the
west is the stronghold of the main opposition party, led by the
charismatic John Fru Ndi.
Nevertheless,
the country's economic prospects are good and the opposition parties
are in disarray. Without divine intervention, Biya, who is eligible
to run for another seven-year term in 2004, is likely to continue
manipulating Parliament and using the government machinery and security
forces to maintain himself in power.
Jacob Diko

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