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Letters

Do something
In response to your street children articles (Street children: "our lives, our words", NI 377) I would like to say thank you. The open rawness of their stories made me realize what injustice there is in the world, especially towards children. This sudden realization upset me but also made me angry. Why am I so lucky? I have a safe place to live, an excellent education and a big loving family. My everyday worries seem somewhat shallow and pathetic compared to those of the street children. I do not live in such fear of the police and I know nothing of physical or mental abuse. I do not deserve all I have any more than those millions of street children deserve a life of terror and homelessness that frequently leads to drugs and prostitution. And these are young girls, so much younger than me.

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I want so much for the street children to escape the lives they live and get a chance to get a place to stay, an education, and an equal opportunity as myself. I know this is an idealistic dream and is so much easier said that done. But we must try to do what we can as even if we help just a handful of children, we will be changing someone's life more than they could ever hope for, and surely that is worth something.

Maya (16)
Gloucestershire, England

Supporting children
It was good to see the emphasis put on children's own voices (NI 377) in an excellent edition. From ChildHope's experience of trying to develop appropriate solutions for street children, children's participation is an essential component. Street children are detached from the adult world and therefore small Southern NGOs are often best placed to reach out to them. The challenge for such NGOs is to have in place the processes and systems necessary to respond effectively. From ChildHope's experience they particularly ask for assistance with developing child protection policies and practices. To assist with this we have just produced a Child Protection Toolkit which is downloadable from our website - www.childhope.org.uk

John Griffin
Executive Director, ChildHope,
London, England

Highlight
Thanks for a fantastic issue (NI 377). The presentation of the children's stories as they told them, without analysis or excessive comment from the interviewer / editor was excellently done. The issue as a whole is a highlight from more than 3 years of subscription.

Sally Kingsland Melbourne, Australia

Balut, penoy, palamig
Your translations of balut, penoy and palamig (Lean-Joy, NI 377) are not correct. Balut and penoy refer to the stage of development of the egg, not to the kind of bird that laid it; balut being a chicken (or duckling) still in the egg, just before hatching, (this is a favourite Philippines delicacy) and penoy being an egg at the stage where the chicken (or duckling) is just beginning to form (another special treat). Palamig is simply 'refreshments', ie drinks, but not necessarily juices. I have this on unquestionable authority, that of my Filipina wife, plus my own observation of Filipinos eating balut. Being a vegetarian myself I had the perfect excuse not to try this particular delicacy, which is about as appealing to most Westerners as sheep's eyes
.

Peter Schaper Biggenden, Australia

Fair’s fair
Although I share David Ransom's concerns regarding the increasing commercialization of the 'fair trade' label (Essay, NI 377), I feel that his example of a year in which global supply is greatly reduced, leading to a lower than market price for fair trade producers, is an entirely counterproductive illustration. Surely it needs to be emphasized that it is always preferable for producers to be assured of a price for their produce that guarantees them a livelihood, rather than gambling on the boom/bust nature of the free market?

Liam Macrae Manchester, England

Incredible courage
I read your interview with Rana Husseini (Making Waves, NI 377) which focused on her work to change public attitudes and laws regarding 'honour' killings of women in Jordan and was deeply touched by her incredible courage and commitment. I'm sure we all hope that Rana and her supporters will save hundreds of lives by putting an end to this cruel practice. While I applaud their courageous efforts, I also applaud the NI for publicizing this story and many others like it, stories that choke your throat, bring a tear to the eye, make you mad enough to get off your bottom to do something to help someone, and educate the reader as well. Don't stop! Keep 'em coming!

Michael Turner Manly West, Australia

An instrument of Bush’s will
Paul Wolfowitz tried to convince people that his term as an Ambassador to Indonesia proved he had good experience in development matters and promised the world that he will keep the focus on poverty alleviation and economic development.

However, as an Indonesian activist who has been working in environmental NGOs for 15 years, I doubt that Wolfowitz's experience in Indonesia provides convincing evidence that he is pro-human rights or poverty reduction.

Instead of advocating against corruption as a fundamental problem of economic crisis in Indonesia, he was in favour of privatizing and deregulating the Indonesian banking system. He made life as easy as possible for US corporations, including some with terrible social and environmental records.

Given the undemocratic and nontransparent process of the appointment of the President of the World Bank, I feel that Wolfowitz will be only representing the Bush Administration's interests, and will use the World Bank as a new instrument to impose Bush's will on developing countries and to expand US industries' control over resources and peoples' rights - especially those of the poor.

He will then roll back environmental and social safeguards and push for aggressive liberalization and privatization in many developing countries which will only benefit the multinational corporations.

Longgena Ginting
International Financial Institutions (ifis) programme,
Friends of the Earth International, The Netherlands

Abortion
1
Clare W (Letters, NI 377) does not believe abortion exacerbates problems for women. As part of the wider issue of social equality, I believe that it does. Many cases of women sacked for being pregnant, or forced to abort by employers, go to industrial tribunal. Post-abortion trauma is now recognized in bereavement counselling and frequently features in 'agony' columns. Termination is presumed by 'experts' to be the only answer in cases of severe disability - in either the mother or the child - and parents in this situation often face extreme pressure to abort.

Scientific advances in recent years show beyond doubt that unborn children are part of the human race and that our existence is continuous from fertilization till death; yet the unborn are left out of the equation by those who seek to justify abortion. Linguistic sleight of hand makes them disappear (a woman has an ' abortion') or dehumanizes them ('the foetus', 'the pregnancy', 'the products of conception').

However, it seems that the rights and status of the child are partially acknowledged in describing discriminatory abortion on the grounds of gender. But the child does not suddenly cease to exist or lose status when the reason for abortion is different - eg 'bad timing'.

I accept that it is impossible for others to understand personal and difficult situations, but this cannot determine what is ethical and what is not. For example, I am opposed to the death penalty and I honestly do not know how I would feel if someone I loved were murdered. If I killed the killer or wanted them dead, this would make no objective difference to the legitimacy or otherwise of capital punishment - it would still be wrong.

Like Clare W, I do, however, know what it is like to have a pregnancy in which I had no choice. It was a very difficult situation for both practical and emotional reasons. By giving the child for adoption I exercised my right not to be an unwilling mother and respected his right to a future. How could I have an abortion when my first mother, at a time when unmarried motherhood carried a far greater stigma than it does now, protected me for nine months when I was totally dependent, brought me to birth and secured for me a future with adoptive parents? It seems to me tragic that, with the Abortion Act, we have passed a law that permits us to pronounce a death sentence from which we ourselves are safe.

Debby Wakeham Luton, England

2
In an ideal world every baby conceived would be born into a loving, stable and secure and wanted environment; but this will never be the case and criminalizing women who find themselves in difficult and distressing situations is not the answer.

As someone who had an abortion, I would argue that every woman is very aware of the 'violence' that takes place against her unborn child. But far from 'ducking behind the rhetoric of choice', I would like to argue that that is the central point. Men can never know what it is like to face such a miserable prospect as aborting a baby, which is growing and breathing inside you, and men therefore can never be equal in that respect.

Permitting abortion is about giving women choice and control over their own bodies and what they are used for. To leave such power in the hands of the institutions of male hegemony, such as parliament and the church, is disastrous. 'Life' is far more than just being alive, and those who champion the rights of the unborn, do so at the cost of the living, breathing women around them. Forcing women to have babies they do not really want is one of the cruellest and most inhumane things to do.

Abortion is about giving more options to those who need them, not taking them away and leaving no viable alternative.

Emily Baeza Sheffield, England

Letter from Lebanon

The long goodbye
Reem Haddad on an oft-delayed departure.

EVEN now I feel strange writing it without reading, rereading and rechecking my words. For the first time, I will write it: the Syrians had to leave Lebanon.

A few months ago, I wouldn't have dreamed of saying it. The dreaded mukhabarat or 'secret intelligence' were everywhere, always listening. So we developed code words. We spoke of the 'Swiss'. 'Beware of that bread seller over there,' my friend would nudge me. 'He's definitely Swiss.' It wasn't hard to notice them. The plain-clothed Syrian intelligence agents never really blended in to the trendy Lebanese scene.

The Syrian army entered Lebanon in 1976 to help quell the initial stages of the civil war which began a year earlier. But the war dragged on for another 14 years. In 1989, the Lebanese agreed to the Taif Accord, a compromise to end the fighting. Taif demanded a staged withdrawal of Syrian forces to be completed by 1992. But the Syrians never budged. Instead, they gradually tightened their grip on the country through a series of treaties and understandings as well as coercion and force.

To give credit where credit is due, they also helped keep the peace, even if it was on their terms. Those terms included bussing up to a million Syrian workers into a country of three million people. They accepted lower wages than Lebanese workers. Syrian goods began squeezing out local products.

But most of all, they influenced Lebanese politics and dictated the country's every move. Pro-Syrian Lebanese presidents were 'elected' by the many pro-Syrian politicians placed in parliament. Opposition was slight during the 1990s, mainly university students who soon found themselves jailed. A popular television network was accused of being anti-Syrian and shut down. Although some spoke out, the majority of the Lebanese kept fearfully silent.

Illustration: Sarah JohnThe media carefully self-censored their newspaper and television reports. Once a colleague mistakenly broadcast prohibited Syrian news. The call to the network came and she sat tearfully frozen.

'What will they do?' she whispered to me. I shook my head. I didn't know. We never found out exactly what happened except that the network made an agreement whereby she would be fired but kept out of Syrian clutches. Other journalists were not so lucky.

Many of us off the political stage didn't feel their presence in our daily routine.

As long as we didn't criticize them or their leaders, we lived normally without giving them much thought. Instead, we were trying to build lives in postwar Lebanon under the leadership of billionaire-turned-politician Rafik Hariri, the prime minister.

But on 14 February, with Hariri's assassination, everything changed. Everyone immediately suspected the Syrians, although there is no hard evidence. Hariri had begun to support the opposition movement to oust the Syrians from Lebanon. A UN report released in March revealed that Syrian President Bashar Assad had threatened Hariri. Anger exploded all over Lebanon. Those who were previously silent became vocal. Hundreds of thousands spilled into the streets. The anger was uncontrollable. For days, demonstrations continued. Lebanon has never seen anything like it. Walking among the crowd with my small daughter, I was amazed at the new-found audacity of the Lebanese. Men, women, the elderly and even children were chanting anti-Syria slogans - which only a few months ago risked landing them in jail. Lebanese anger, unfortunately, also turned against Syrian labourers. At least 30 were attacked and killed. Thousands fled in fear, though most returned a few weeks later.

Meanwhile, increasing international pressure forced Syria to begin withdrawing its troops and intelligence agents. My husband and I rushed to the mountains to see the abandoned villas occupied since 1976 by Syrian soldiers. Most of the houses were derelict, with nothing left inside, not even door frames.

After almost 30 years, the owners were returning to claim their old homes. 'I never thought I would ever step into my home again,' said an elderly man as he walked into a recently vacated house. The walls were black from the fires troops had burned to keep warm. 'It's a glorious day for us,' shouted one woman.

The fight between pro-Syrian government officials and the opposition movement continues. The winner will shape our future.

Reem Haddad works for the Daily Star in Beirut.

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